Revisiting the concept of state

Revisiting the concept of state (nation) building in Post-Colonial Africa: Cote d’Ivoire, Kenya and South Africa in comparative perspectives


Dr Nicasius Achu Check

Senior Research Specialist

Africa Institute of South Africa, A Research Institute of the Human Sciences Research Council

Rationale

The concept of the state in Africa has been debated, and the foundational principle of the state on the continent has equally been questioned. The current unbundling of the states and state institutions in most parts of the continent has put paid to the assumption that the foundation of the state on the continent is an artificial one. In this regard, creating a sense of national unity and identity to which individuals will be loyal, an identity that will supersede loyalty to ethnic groups, villages, and regions, is still a utopia on the continent. The notion that the ‘political kingdom’ would bring many happy returns to the continent’s people has not been materialised. As Somerville notes, the euphoria that characterised African urban spaces after the 1960s soon witnessed an economic decline, political dictatorship, widespread disillusionment, military coups, rebellion, wars of secession and disaffection. The current state of countries on the continent is not only characterised by these challenges but by a generalised disorder bordering on impulsion and outright disintegration in some regions. Libya and Sudan are in complete chaos, and South Sudan has yet to consolidate its statehood; terrorism and piracy still characterise the Horn of Africa, and the state has lost legitimacy in Burundi and the DRC. Nigeria, Niger, Cameroon and Chad cannot contain the marauding attacks of Boko Haram in the West and Central Africa. Rwanda and Uganda seem politically and economically stable, while the state’s authority is fundamentally threatened around the periphery. The fundamental question the project seeks to answer is why are state structures and institutions ferociously challenged on the continent. Are the fundamentals of nation-building scrupulously respected on the continent? Should the continent revisit the concept of nation-building, and if yes, is the pragmatic developmental state approach the best option? The purpose would be to develop a model to determine the strength and functionality of state institutions in selected African countries. The project’s goal would be to establish a nation-building barometer. The objective of the Barometer is to determine the strength and resilience of African states to withstand internal and external challenges to the foundation of the state. We would aim to ensure that the necessary tools are available to political elites to forestall any challenges to the foundation of the state.

However, it is perhaps necessary to distinguish between nation-building and state-building. Though many scholars have used the term interchangeably, there is a fundamental difference between state-building and nation-building. According to Scott state building refers to interventionist strategies by a state to restore and rebuild the institutions and apparatus of the state. In the same light, he argues that nation-building refers to creating a cultural identity related to a particular state. Nonetheless, Fukuyama defines state building as creating tangible institutions such as armies, police, bureaucracies, and ministries within a specific territorial jurisdiction. Thus, nation-building is a subset of state-building. In essence, there cannot be a functioning nation-building agenda without a firm and state-building solid programme. Because state-building is a state-centered approach to development, our study, which is more of a people-centred framework for action, would focus on the nation-building agenda, which is perhaps lacking in most post-colonial states on the African continent. Many have argued that most post-colonial governments focus more on ‘seek ye the political kingdom with little resources on the ingredients that make a people great. Our proposal intents to demonstrate that the focus on ‘seek ye the political kingdom’, which many political elites on the continent subscribed to, may have been done at the detriment of proper nation-building frameworks and programmes. Therefore, The absence of a firm nation-building agenda in most post-colonial African states has necessitated some investigation into its effect on social cohesion and nation-building in Africa. Similarly, the lack of a robust nation-building framework could also be why many countries on the continent have experienced political, economic, and security challenges since 1960. 

While Scott[emphasizes the importance of cultural identity,others, such as Fukuyama notes that nation-building initiatives presuppose that a country ensures that the state upholds its end of the social contract. The RAND Corporation, on the other hand, argues that nation-building could be defined as the use of armed forces in the aftermath of a conflict to underpin an enduring transition to democracy and stability. This is in cases where the country in question is emerging from a period of instability. While the RAND Corporation’s definition of nation-building may be relevant in some cases, using force to bring about democracy may be inherently contradictory as it predisposes the population to some level of control and the suppression of some forms of liberty. 

Despite these varied definitions of nation-building, the project focuses on the fundamentals of nation-building, often built around principles of ethnicity, race, religion, and language. Primarily, the project objective would be to highlight areas that bring people together without necessarily relegating the idea that national cohesion may express itself as external aggression, noting that human beings cooperate to compete and, in the same breath, compete to cooperate. Thus, the people of a nation generally share a common national identity; part of nation-building is building that common identity that sets the country apart. Critical to this is to decipher what are the cultural artifacts that would make the selected countries different.

One of the fundamental challenges of the state in Africa is its artificiality. The African countries as we know them today were not an African creation. Instead, the whims of European powers gathered in Berlin in 1884/85 and arbitrarily divided the continent into their spheres of influence. Though the de-colonial debate on the continent did not directly address the challenge of the balkanization of the continent, there were attempts during the decolonization process, and soon after many countries on the continent gained independence, questions were being asked on the sustainability of the post-colonial state structure. The situation was compounded by the Organisation of African Unity, OAU’s stance on the inviolability of boundaries inherited at independence. Couple the fact that the de-colonial debate on the continent lacked a sound and practical, theoretical foundation made a strong post-colonial African state impossible at best. The crises in the Congo soon after independence and the subsequent intrastate and interstate conflicts have been the hallmark of post-independence Africa. The total collapse of state institutions in Somalia, the successful secession activities in Sudan and Ethiopia, and the myriad of civil wars on the continent suggest the porosity of the foundational framework for which states were formed. There is a need for a measuring tool to assess when states are firmly grounded on the principles of nation building and in cases where such principles are lacking, what should the authorities look out for then? Our project attempts to revisit the foundational principles of states on the African continent, considering the peculiarities surrounding the states’ formations.

However, the theoretical foundation of the proposal would be premised on the nation-building approach as proposed by Fukuyama. He noted that building a strong and resilient nation would require the creation of intangible variables such as (1) national traditions, (2) acceptable national symbols, (3) shared historical memories, and (4) common cultural points of reference. Using the intangible variables proposed by Fukuyama, the project intends to build a body of data through interviews with nation building champions, to develop a barometer that could measure the strength and resilience of any country to determine whether it could withstand internal and external disequilibrium. Questions posed to respondents would seek to assess whether (1) there are national traditions in the country, (2) whether these traditions are accepted by all in the country, (3) whether the country does have a shared and acceptable historical past and whether (4) the people in the country do have a common cultural point of reference. Respondents would be given choices such as:

  1. Does the country have a national totem, and if yes, what is the totem?
  2. Is or are the totems generally accepted by all sections of the country?
  3. Does the country have a shared and acceptable historical past?
  4. Does the country have a common cultural point of reference?

Based on the data collected, the proposal would be able to make either of the following:

  1. Highly likely that challenges could lead to state collapse
  2. Likely that challenges would lead to state collapse
  3. Structures of the states are in place
  4. Unlikely that challenges could lead to state collapse
  5. Highly unlikely that challenges could lead to state collapse

In this instance and based on the outcome, 1 would mean the state is highly likely to collapse if it experiences any political, economic, or security challenges. 5 in this regard would mean the nation-building institutions are in place, and it would be improbable that challenges could lead to state collapse in this instance. According to Fukuyama, it is essential that a resilient nation be formed through language, religion and education policies. According to him, this has a bottom-up approach to building resilient countries, which is a much-appreciated approach to policy formulation and implementation on the continent. The role of civil society actors, politicians, academics and other personalities such as sports stars, etc. Our approach would be to interview such people and gauge their art’s impact on the cohesiveness of state institutions and, more importantly, on bringing people of diverse cultures and backgrounds together. The task would not necessarily be to interview sports stars, philosophers, religious leaders etc., but rather to interview civil society actors, politicians, academics, and ordinary people and gauge the impact of the activities of these luminaries in building cohesive and resilient societies.

The nation-building barometer approach assumes that a reliable firm and a state with resilience amid internal and external challenges have specific characteristics that set them apart. The task of the study would be to assess whether such identified factors are present and rigorously implemented in the selected countries.       

SCOPE AND RATIONALE OF THE PROJECT

The purpose of the study would be to develop a barometer that would measure the resilience of a country to withstand nation-building challenges. Based on Fukuyama’s definition of nation-building, the study intends to conduct semi-structured interviews with government officials and civil society organizations to assess the strength of the institutions of the state in the event of external and internal challenges to state authority. We intend to interview government agencies and civil society organizations working on the developmental and nation-building space in the selected countries.

The rationale of the project is based on two transparent pillars. First is to understand why states collapse on the continent and how unstable countries could be strengthened. Secondly, our aim is that the Barometer that would be established would form the principal tool in assessing the resilience of communities around the continent. 

AIMS OF STUDY

The African continent do have a rich history of nation-building, which pre-dated colonialism by centuries. Many famous pre-colonial African states include Sudan, Songhai, Ghana, Grand Zimbabwe, and Zulu. Nevertheless, the colonial enterprise has defined the current processes of state structure. Within the understanding that pre-colonial states or empires rise and fall, the contemporary manner of state formulation and decay on the continent necessitate some form of in-depth interrogation and assessment. Our objective is to assess the resilience of states on the continent and, based on the findings, suggest strategic options on how such conditions could be strengthened and prevent state decay on the continent. A resilient community provides strong institutions and employment and strives to eradicate poverty, whereas a failed state breeds corruption, poverty, inequality, and unemployment. Thus, research aimed at strengthening the state on the continent is in tandem with the AISA-HSRC research agenda, which seeks to eradicate poverty, unemployment, and inequality in South Africa and the global south. On the whole, therefore, the aims of the project are to:

  1. To develop an African nation building Barometer which aims to determine the resilience of states on the continent
  2. To assess the viability of alternative nation-building models on the continent
  3. To assess the reasons for the recurring state decay on the continent.


Research Methodology

The study would employ a critical qualitative research approach to nation-building as proposed by Fukuyama. The critical qualitative research approach aims to reveal and analyse the social, cultural, and psychological assumptions regarding present-day contexts to empower individuals and institutions and enable change for a better world. It challenges current power distributions and the status quo instead of merely revealing meaning. The study intends to conduct semi-structured interviews with nation-building role players such as government officials and civil society organizations. The discussions would be based on intangible variables such as (1) national traditions, (2) acceptable national symbols, (3) shared historical memories, and (4) common cultural points of reference. Using the intangible variables proposed by Fukuyama, the proposal intends to build a body of data through interviews with nation building champions, to develop a barometer that could measure the strength and resilience of any country to determine whether it could withstand internal and external disequilibrium. Questions posed to respondents would seek to assess whether (1) there are national traditions in the country, (2) whether these traditions are accepted by all in the country, (3) whether the country does have a shared and acceptable historical past and whether (4) the people in the country do have a common cultural point of reference. Respondents would be given choices such as:

  1. Does the country have a national totem, and if yes, what is the totem?
  2. Is or are the totems generally accepted by all sections of the country?
  3. Does the country have a shared and acceptable historical past?
  4. Does the country have a common cultural point of reference?

Based on the data collected, the proposal would be able to make either of the following:

  1. Highly likely that challenges could lead to state collapse
  2. Likely that challenges would lead to state collapse
  3. Structures of the states are in place
  4. Unlikely that challenges could lead to state collapse
  5. Highly unlikely that challenges could lead to state collapse


In this instance and based on the outcome, 1 would mean the state is highly likely to collapse if it experiences any political, economic, or security challenges. 5 in this regard would mean the nation-building institutions are in place, and it would be improbable that challenges could lead to state collapse in this instance.

The African nation-building barometer would attempt to assess the resilience of the nation-building variables as proposed by Fukuyama. The task of the project would be to sample the action of government and civil society organizations in their endeavors to build strong and resilient societies. Some of the primary questions the proposal intends to ask respondents would include:

  1. do civil society organizations have legal standing in the country
  2. are there platforms for civil society organizations to influence government policies?
  3. Yes, civil society organisations are consulted, but their inputs are usually not taken into consideration
  4. Yes, there are consulted, and some of their inputs are incorporated into government policies
  5. Civil society organizations are always consulted, and their views are usually considered when government formulates and implements policies.


As for government respondents, the study intends to gather data on:

  1.  do the government have a nation-building project that addresses the challenges of social cohesion in the country
  2. Are all segments of the country represented at the top echelons of government?
  3. Are recruitments into the public service based on merit or regional representation
  4. Are all citizens equal before the law?
  5. Are people discriminated against the popular spaces based on their color, religious or social background?


The responses would be grouped as follows.

  1.  Absolutely no
  2.  No
  3. somehow
  4.   Yes
  5. Absolutely yes.


Based on the data collected and analysed, the study would be able to make suggestions on whether a country is:

  1. Highly likely that challenges could lead to state collapse
  2. Likely that challenges would lead to state collapse
  3. Structures of the states are in place
  4. Unlikely that challenges could lead to state collapse
  5. Highly unlikely that challenges could lead to state collapse


The study hopes that this methodological approach would help develop a series of variables, which African states should follow to face the challenges of nation-building on the continent. It would be the wish of the study that the Barometer would act as a measuring tool in understanding the resilience of communities towards challenges of nation-building and state decay.

Somerville, K. 2015. Africa’s Long Road since Independence: The many histories of a Continent. Penguin Books, London. P. 93.

Scott, Z. 2007. Literature Review on State-Building, Governance and Social Development Resource Centre, University of Birmingham, p.3

Fukuyama, F. 2015. Political order and Political decay: From the industrial revolution to the Globalisation of Democracy. Profile Books, London. P.185

See for example Nkrumah, K. 1963. Africa Must Unite. Frederick Praeger Publisher, New York. The ‘seek ye first the political kingdom and the rest will follow’ was the campaign slogan of the CPP of Kwame Nkrumah. The slogan aim was to focus more on precipitating the departure of the colonialists as to building institutions that could withstand the new state which Nkrumah was about to proclaim in Ghana. 

Scott, Z. 2007. Literature Review on State-Building, Governance and Social Development Resource Centre, University of Birmingham, p.3

Fukuyama, F. 2015. Political order and Political decay: From the industrial revolution to the Globalisation of Democracy. Profile Books, London. P.186.

Stephenson, C. 2005. Nation Building: Beyond Intractability available at http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/nation-building accessed on 27/07/2016.

Amadife, E. N. & Warhola, J. W. 1993. Africa’s political Boundaries: Colonial Cartography, the OAU and the Advisability of Ethno-National Adjustment, in International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society, Vol 6 (4), p. 534.

Fukuyama, F. 2015. Political order and Political decay: From the industrial revolution to the Globalisation of Democracy. Profile Books, London. P.185.