In short

• Climate change disproportionately threatens older people in rural Africa who depend on nature-based livelihoods.
• Drought reduces crop yields, water access and food security, increasing health risks and economic hardship.
• Social and cultural systems can weaken as communities face shared scarcity.
• Inclusive social protection, political will and decentralised support are critical.
• Older people’s indigenous knowledge should inform climate adaptation planning.

In many parts of Africa, older people in rural areas rely on nature for their livelihoods. As younger generations migrate to cities, and as physical strength declines with age, rising temperatures and drought threaten the independence and dignity of older people. At a recent HSRC webinar, Dr Isaac Kabelenga from the University of Zambia shared research from rural Zambia showing how climate change affected older persons by reducing agricultural yields, depleting natural water sources, intensifying food insecurity and disrupting cultural practices. 

Women returning from work in the fields, Zambia. Photo: MA Heyns – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0

As populations age and global temperatures rise, more older people will be exposed to climate-related hazards that affect their health and livelihoods.  

By 2023, nearly 138 million people over 60 – about 14% of the global older population – were already exposed to climate risks, according to Climate justice in an ageing world (2023). Citing figures of the United Nations Population Fund, this discussion document was published by HelpAge International, a global network of organisations that works to improve the lives of older people. The report warns that climate change threatens older people’s rights to health, life, safety, housing, food, mobility, livelihoods, cultural heritage and non-discrimination. 

In many parts of Africa, where surface temperatures rise faster than the global average, older people in rural areas are especially vulnerable due to their reliance on nature-based livelihoods. 

Foregrounding the voices of older people 

At a recent HSRC workshop, Dr Isaac Kabelenga, a senior lecturer in social policy and development at the University of Zambia, presented findings from research conducted during Zambia’s severe 2024/2025 drought. The study focused on how the drought affected older people in 17 rural communities. 

His team conducted 27 in-depth interviews and 10 focus group sessions with people over 60, supplemented by interviews with government officials, traditional leaders and ward councillors. According to Kabelenga, the research was guided by the concept of hermeneutical phenomenology, a context-sensitive approach, which allowed participants to talk about the meaning of their lived experiences of how the drought affected their lives. 

Food insecurity and water stress 

Across all sites, participants reported crop failure, reduced productivity and widespread food insecurity. With many older people relying on subsistence farming, livestock, wild fruits and informal trade, rising food prices intensified economic hardship. Malnutrition and hunger increased, particularly where natural food sources had already been depleted. “Older persons depend on traditional food. They keep livestock like village chickens, plant cassava and collect wild fruit, but the drought affected their ability to produce food,” said Kabelenga. 

Rivers, streams, wells and boreholes dried up, forcing long walks in extreme heat to collect water. Some had already been affected by reduced physical strength and mobility due to their age, which meant that dehydration and illness became more common. 

Cultural and social effects 

The drought also disrupted their social and cultural life. “In Zambia, like in many other African countries, we value our traditional culture,” said Kabelenga. “Older people often manage traditional ceremonies, but because of the drought, some ceremonies could not take place, for example, celebrating a new harvest.”  

Informal social protection systems – such as neighbourly food sharing and support from extended family, and respect-based reciprocity where younger community members provide labour or gifts in exchange for wisdom and blessings – weakened as entire communities faced food scarcity. The cumulative effect was not only economic decline, but also an erosion of dignity, relationships and social cohesion. 

“Informal social protection is one of the most reliable sources of social protection for most people in rural Zambia. If someone doesn’t have food, they know someone in the neighbourhood will help them. [Not being able to rely on or support] each other brought about a lot of stress … the drought negatively affected business, individual, community, social, family, and environmental relationships.” 

Gendered, but not uniform, vulnerability 

According to the participants, the drought affected everyone, challenging the common assumption that women bear the brunt, said Kabelenga. 

The older men were particularly affected in male-dominated activities such as cattle rearing, fishing, hunting and honey collection. The older women bore disproportionate burdens in traditionally female roles, especially water collection and gathering wild foods. Travelling longer distances to perform these activities was one of the main impacts. 

Political will or true fiscal constraints? 

The study also looked at the Zambian government’s adaptive and shock-responsive social protection measures during the drought. Supported by international development partners, the government introduced drought emergency cash transfers.  

Walking to the field, carrying a hoe. Photo: Mary Milanzi – Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0

“But they were assisting only those older persons deemed to be the worst affected, those who met the criteria set by the government. Many older people were excluded,” said Kabelenga. 

The government also distributed drought-resistant crops such as cassava and sorghum, provided drought-adaptive livestock such as goats, village chickens and guinea fowls, and intensified borehole drilling. 

Significantly, these measures came during a period of national economic strain caused by the drought itself. Despite fiscal constraints, the government reallocated budget priorities and mobilised international support to widen coverage.  

For Kabelenga, the key policy question was whether expansion of non-contributory social protection depends on fiscal space or political will. He argued that political will is decisive. 

What older persons want 

The participants asked for three forms of social protection:  

• Economic protection, including start-up capital and water infrastructure to enable livelihoods beyond rain-fed farming – for example, gardening – was identified as a need. 

• Health protection ensuring accessible care for drought-related and chronic conditions would enable them to remain resilient against the onslaught of climate hazards and keep them economically active. 

• Universal social protection, including broader pensions, was needed, as all older persons were affected by droughts. 

They emphasised protective, preventive, adaptive and developmental approaches – shielding livelihoods before a crisis deepens and enabling older persons to build self-reliant economic activities. 

“Social protection is meant to shield people against certain contingencies of life. The participants asked for measures that will prevent them from becoming vulnerable in the first place and approaches to prevent the negative effects of drought, like increasing borehole drilling, and giving them more drought-resistant crops and drought-adaptive livestock, such as goats and village chickens,” said Kabelenga. 

“But they were also interested in developmental interventions as they did not want to rely on the government and preferred [the autonomy] to venture into economic activities they could control.” 

Decentralising resources to district and community levels was seen as critical for faster, more context-sensitive responses during droughts. 

Inclusion and indigenous knowledge 

Rejoice Murisi of the Women’s University in Africa in Zimbabwe said that similar experiences were seen in Zimbabwe. She emphasised the “intersectionality of vulnerability”, noting that gendered roles shaped distinct hardships.  

“Whether it is loss of cattle in the hunting grounds for men or the increased physical burden of water and food collection for women, these distinct experiences require targeted interventions rather than generic ones,” Murisi said. 

She also called for the integration of indigenous knowledge systems into social protection planning. “How do we ensure that older persons are not just recipients of aid, but active participants in climate-resilience planning? Inclusive social protection is only possible when the recipients are empowered to lead the process.” 

Dr Thandi Fredah Khumalo of the University of Eswatini added that many older people have the knowledge to predict climatic events, for example, based on the behaviour of animals and weather signs, which is why they need to be part of planning. 

Khumalo also highlighted physiological vulnerabilities – heat stress, chronic illness, mobility limitations – as well as the importance of getting more data on their housing conditions and caregiving burdens, particularly where youth migration leaves grandparents caring for children. 

“They have a double burden of feeding themselves as well as the children, who often cannot assist them with the labour required to farm or collect the food that they need.” 

Both respondents agreed that social protection is essential but not sufficient. Broader climate justice, stronger continental advocacy and complementary safety nets are needed. 

An existential problem needing more research 

HSRC’s Dr Mokhantšo Makoae described the convergence of ageing and climate change as “an existential problem” that should concern all, calling for longitudinal and large-scale studies on ageing in Africa. 

According to Kabelenga, research on ageing is scarce due to underfunding and low prioritisation. Consequently, older persons remain largely excluded from climate adaptation efforts, despite relevant policies being in place. The webinar was part of an ongoing collaboration between the HSRC, the University of Zambia and the University of Eswatini to strengthen research, policy engagement and knowledge exchange on social development priorities.  

Acknowledgements and contributions 

This article was written by Antoinette Oosthuizen, science writer and editor at the HSRC, with input from Dr Mathias Alubafi Fubah, Dr Wilfred Lunga and Kegomoditswe Mamabolo from the HSRC’s Developmental, Capable and Ethical State Division. It was based on the webinar Climate Change and Older People in Rural Zambia.  

We are grateful to the presenter, Dr Isaac Kabelenga (University of Zambia) and the respondents, Rejoice Murisi (Women’s University in Africa, Zimbabwe) and Dr Thandi Fredah Khumalo (University of Eswatini). 

For more information about the HSRC’s climate research and collaborations in Africa, please contact Dr Mathias Alubafi Fubah at malubafi@hsrc.ac.za and Dr Wilfred Lunga at wlunga@hsrc.ac.za.